Bio
Hi 👋 I'm a first-year PhD student in Economics at Bocconi University. My
research interests lie in applied microeconomics, particularly political economy, conflict,
and institutions.
Before starting my PhD, I completed a BA in Industrial Engineering and an MA
in Applied Economics, both at Universidad de Chile.
Publication
with Alejandro Corvalan
European Journal of Political Economy, 2026
Abstract
A large body of literature documents a positive relationship between
legislative representation and redistribution, particularly in the United States. Standard
legislative bargaining models further reinforce this association. Yet both theory and
empirical findings rely on two critical assumptions: that legislatures possess sufficient
budgetary authority and that legislators face strong electoral incentives. This paper shows
that, in a context where those conditions do not hold, the link between representation and
redistribution disappears. We study the effect of representation on intergovernmental
transfers in Chile, a unitary country with a Congress with limited budgetary power, elected
in multi-member districts. We exploit two quasi-natural experiments — the authoritarian
origins of the electoral system and its recent reform — to provide causal identification.
Across both sources of exogenous variation in representation, we find no significant effects
on redistribution. Our findings highlight the mediating role of institutions in shaping the
consequences of legislative malapportionment.
Working papers
Gang Violence and Mobility Suppression in Haiti
with Martín Castillo Quintana,
Mathias Lusquiños and
Adee Weller
Abstract
How does criminal violence reshape how civilians move about their
communities? While criminal violence is widely cited as a driver of internal and
international displacement, we know much less about how gangs shape mobility within
their territories. In this paper, we argue that control over civilian mobility is a central
pillar of criminal governance. When gangs control access to neighborhoods, roads, and
transport corridors, this not only enables them to govern, but also signal relative strength
and capacity to rival gangs and state forces. As territorial order deteriorates, visible
control over these boundaries becomes more salient, and thus civilian movement into and out
of gang-controlled areas may signal weakness or vulnerability. To re-enforce their control,
gangs use violence to immobilize civilians and retain the political and economic capital
that comes with them within their territorial boundaries. We examine this argument in Haiti,
where gangs operate as de facto authorities across much of Port-au-Prince and surrounding
areas. Using daily commune-level data on gang violence and anonymized mobility estimates
derived by Flowminder from Digicel call detail records, we trace how violent events shape
intra- and inter-commune movement. We find that gang violence produces immediate and
significant declines in mobility, with each additional violent event depresses localized
movements in the following days. The effects are shape both within- and across-commune
travel and are especially large following attacks on infrastructure. Thus, gang violence can
serve as a strategic mechanism of territorial immobilization and reshapes how civilians
navigate criminally governed space.
with Martín Castillo Quintana,
Mathias Lusquiños and
Adee Weller
Abstract
How do international, armed, humanitarian interventions shape gang
violence, and by extension, influence civilian mobility on the ground? Focusing on the U.N.
Multinational Security Support (MSS) Mission in Haiti (2023–present), we exploit a daily
panel of commune-level data on gang violence, using data from ACLED, Haitian press reports,
and mobile-phone mobility records, using estimates derived by Flowminder from Digicel call
detail records, to trace the impact of five exogenous information shocks on the mission's
likelihood and timing. We find that as the intervention appeared more imminent, gangs
reduced inter-gang clashes and forged tactical alliances, redirected violence toward the
state, and escalated remote attacks on infrastructure. These anticipatory shifts had
immediate civilian consequences, as heightening violence reduced both intra- and
inter-communal movement, revealing how violence shapes everyday mobility. By integrating
high-frequency measures of both violence and movement, this study contributes to research on
the consequences of external security governance, showing that the pre-deployment phase of
intervention is a politically charged period in which armed actors and civilians adapt in
ways that can entrench insecurity before the first foreign boots touch the ground.